<a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/developments/broadbeach-qld-4218">Broadbeach</a> offers plenty of reasons to live vertically, but moving from a substantial family home into an apartment can expose the compromises of high-density living. Privacy, room for guests and usable living space tend to matter more when an apartment is intended as a permanent home rather than an occasional coastal base.

A typical residential floor at <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/new-apartments/the-eveleigh-broadbeach-7-9-surf-parade-broadbeach-qld-4218">The Eveleigh</a>, on Surf Parade,&nbsp;contains just four apartments. The 94-residence development by <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/developers/hirsch-faigen">Hirsch &amp; Faigen</a> is predominantly made up of expansive three-bedroom homes, with a limited collection of half-floor penthouses above.

Across the apartment floors, <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/architects/rothelowman">Rothelowman</a> has used the relatively limited number of residences to give each home greater access to natural light and outlook. Living spaces extend towards full-height glazing, while a series of bay windows frame selected views across the Pacific Ocean, city and hinterland rather than treating the building edge as a continuous wall of glass.

&nbsp;

[smartcode_project:default project_id=149670 project_image_fid=360965]

“The apartment floors deliver a collection of homes that embrace controlled outlook via a series of bay windows deliberately framing moments of view,” Rothelowman Director Kim Lowman said.

From outside, those projecting forms contribute to the tower’s faceted profile. Strong horizontal and vertical elements establish its proportions, while the changing position of the sun alters the light, shadow and reflection across the façade throughout the day.

The same attention moves inside the apartments, where the material palette combines warm timber, natural stone, metallic detailing and softer curved forms. Kitchens sit within the main living zone, with stone island benches, integrated joinery and European appliances, before the living areas extend towards the glazing and the outlook.

&nbsp;

[smartcode_project:default project_id=149670 project_image_fid=360981]

Three genuine bedrooms provide room to accommodate family and guests, while two secure car spaces and storage address some of the practical considerations that can become more noticeable when moving from a larger home. Feedback from the display suite has centred on the warmth and restraint of the interiors, with buyers commenting that the residences feel like homes rather than conventional coastal apartments.

A limited collection of half-floor penthouses occupies the upper levels, increasing the scale of the living spaces and adding private balconies and elevated finishes. From this position, the outlook extends between the ocean and hinterland.

Outside the private residences, The Eveleigh separates its shared spaces between the podium and rooftop. The podium is centred on wellness, with subtropical landscaping surrounding a swimming pool and pool terrace, yoga garden, private gymnasium, sauna and hot and cold plunge facilities. Landscaped retreats and pavilions provide additional places to sit away from the main recreation areas.

&nbsp;

[smartcode_project:default project_id=149670 project_image_fid=360966]

Higher in the building, a rooftop pavilion and private dining suite sit alongside resident lounge, barbecue and outdoor dining areas, opening towards panoramic views across the ocean, city and hinterland.

“Buyers are no longer just looking for an apartment, but a lifestyle where they can relax, reset, and enjoy a balanced way of living,” Hirsch &amp; Faigen Director of Sales Matt George said.

Interest to date has come from established owner-occupiers and interstate lifestyle purchasers, including buyers planning a future move to the Gold Coast. Many are coming from larger homes and want to reduce ongoing maintenance without giving up space for family and guests, privacy, two car spaces or the ability to entertain at home.

&nbsp;

[smartcode_project:default project_id=149670 project_image_fid=360969]

Much of that daily life can also take place beyond the building without requiring a drive. Kurrawa Beach and Pratten Park are an easy walk from Surf Parade, while Pacific Fair, Oracle Boulevard, The Oasis, restaurants, cafés, entertainment and public transport are also within walking distance.

The Eveleigh is Hirsch &amp; Faigen's fourth Gold Coast development since entering the market in 2021, following The Hemingway at Palm Beach, The Emerson at Kirra and Yves at Mermaid Beach. Each of the preceding projects sold out before completion.

“Broadbeach had been on our radar throughout our time operating on the Gold Coast,” the developer said. “Following our projects in Palm Beach, Kirra and Mermaid Beach, Broadbeach represented the natural next step for the business.”

The Surf Parade site brought together proximity to the beach, protected coastal outlooks and walkability to dining, shopping and recreation. Hirsch &amp; Faigen also identified the street as an emerging premium residential address, with enough separation from Broadbeach's busier destinations to retain a quieter environment at home.

The Eveleigh is now under construction by Maxcon, with completion forecast for mid-2028. Three-bedroom residences are currently available from $2.87 million.

[smartcode_project_cta:default project_id=149670]

Joel Robinson

The Eveleigh brings house-like apartments to Broadbeach

A long-stalled Campbelltown development site is back in play, with new plans for 139 apartments set to supersede a mixed-use scheme approved almost a decade ago but never built.

The new proposal for 28 Cordeaux Street would deliver 116 market and 23 affordable apartments in a part 14-storey building, bringing a substantial new project into a Campbelltown market where new apartment supply remains limited.

Plans have been filed over the 3,092 sqm corner site at Moore-Oxley Street, around 600 metres from Campbelltown Railway Station and the city-centre retail core.

The site already carries a mixed-use residential approval dating to 2016. Doroch Architects has now been engaged on a larger replacement scheme, which is progressing as a State Significant Development Application following a Housing Delivery Authority determination in August 2025.

The apartment mix comprises 39 one-bedroom, 72 two-bedroom and 28 three-bedroom residences. Two-bedroom apartments make up just over half of the project, while three-bedroom homes account for 20 per cent.

<img alt="First look: New 139-apartment plans revive long-stalled Campbelltown city centre site" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="136dd5b9-3791-4da6-9e31-76f533f5b4de" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/Campbelltown%20da2.png?VersionId=LgOSy9nwf5u.MGswBBwaGGxuX8QpHSl_" />

Of the 139 apartments, 23 will be delivered as affordable housing under the in-fill affordable housing provisions of the Housing SEPP. The affordable component represents 15 per cent of the residential gross floor area and will be managed by a registered Community Housing Provider.

Doroch has sought to break the scale of the building into two distinct elements, with a masonry podium of around four storeys establishing the street edge before the residential tower steps back above.

The corner position has shaped that approach. Cordeaux Street faces toward the commercial and civic centre, while Moore-Oxley Street leads into the lower-scale residential neighbourhood to the south, and the design verification report describes the site as "bridging the commercial core to the north and established residential areas to the south."

The podium will be expressed predominantly in face brick, while the upper levels shift to brushed and grooved concrete cladding with darker metal detailing. Recessed sections, deep balcony edges and landscaping break down the upper form, with an approximately 11.8-metre setback to the northern boundary addressing the adjoining St Peters Anglican School.

<img alt="First look: New 139-apartment plans revive long-stalled Campbelltown city centre site" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="c8b3d2d3-c561-4bfc-a5d9-a68c0c10dac1" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/Campbelltown%20da1.png?VersionId=AeAEyJU02Gk2k5noUj2StziCvdQ7fW4B" />

Campbelltown has been starved of new residential developments in the last decade.

The only other notable development set to come to market this year is ALAND's Queen Square, a mixed-use precinct on over two hectares that will comprise apartments above a vibrant ground-level retail and hospitality dining precinct.

First look: New 139-apartment plans revive long-stalled Campbelltown city centre site

First Look: Sherlock Construction pitches apartments for low-rise Deception Bay

Queensland builder-developer MAYD has revealed the first look at its major North Kirra beachfront development, lodging amended plans that reduce the number of apartments and increase the proportion of larger residences.

The project is planned across a substantial 4,742 sqm amalgamated site spanning seven lots at <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/new-apartments/2-6-pacific-parade-bilinga-qld-4225">2-6 Pacific Parade</a> and 27-33 Golden Four Drive in Bilin​ga, directly opposite Nor​th Kirra Beach.

<a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/developers/mayd-group">MAYD</a> secured the site for $32.5 million in 2025, in what was one of the Gold Coast's largest property transactions of the year.

The development will be delivered across two stages, with the first stage carrying an estimated gross realisation value of around $360 million.

The latest amendments seek to reduce the overall apartment count and shift the project further toward the owner-occupier market, with larger residences designed for buyers wanting considerably more space than traditionally offered in a beachfront apartment.

The residential mix will include townhomes, oversized two-bedroom apartments, substantial three-bedroom residences and four-bedroom homes.

MAYD has appointed Cera Stribley to lead the architecture and interiors, with the Melbourne-based design practice drawing on the beachfront setting through a series of ocean-facing terraces and heavily landscaped balconies.

Strong horizontal forms and curved balconies will define the exterior, with subtropical landscaping integrated throughout the building to soften the built form and increase the connection between the residences and the beachfront.

The project will also include an extensive collection of resident wellness and lifestyle facilities, continuing the broader shift across the Gold Coast's luxury apartment market toward larger homes supported by resort-style amenity.

<img alt="MAYD" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="d1bcbb05-e659-4b47-8bd4-1e595315e2ad" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/Screenshot%202026-08-27%20at%202.05.03%E2%80%AFPM.png?VersionId=jj0XEud1X1DuLt7_KyElhjMdZGOXmLHP" />

MAYD Founder Todd Mould said North Kirra was increasingly appealing to buyers attracted to the more established, lower-density character of the southern Gold Coast.

"North Kirra presents one of the most compelling luxury residential opportunities currently emerging in Australia, combining absolute beachfront with the character and authenticity that buyers are increasingly seeking, and the same sense of tight-knit community that defined Burleigh and Currumbin perhaps 10 or 15 years ago," Mould said.

"With Gold Coast Airport on its doorstep, it also offers a level of accessibility that broadens its appeal across almost every market demographic."

The project comes as the southern Gold Coast continues to attract an increasing share of high-end apartment development and buyer activity.

Kirra in particular has emerged as one of the region's more tightly held beachfront markets, with its relatively low-density character, established surf and hospitality scene and proximity to Gold Coast Airport differentiating it from the higher-density markets further north.

Mould said those characteristics had informed the approach MAYD and Cera Stribley had taken to the project.

"We've worked closely with Cera Stribley to create a vision that is deeply connected to its surroundings," he said.

"Inspired by the coastline itself, the architecture has been shaped around space, privacy and resort-style living, creating a collection of homes that reflects the next generation of luxury on the southern Gold Coast."

MOTIV Managing Director Carly Cottam, who has been appointed to market the project, said buyer attention had continued to move south along the Gold Coast.

"Purchasers who may once have defaulted to Broadbeach, Main Beach or Surfers Paradise are increasingly recognising the value of a genuine beachfront location that offers lower density, strong amenity and a more established sense of community," Cottam said.

"Kirra has a powerful combination of growing demand and genuine scarcity. Beachfront supply is inherently constrained, the area remains relatively low density, and buyers are increasingly placing a premium on locations that feel established, uncrowded and authentic rather than heavily developed."

Cottam said the proximity to Gold Coast Airport was also proving increasingly important for interstate and second-home buyers.

"Being minutes from Gold Coast Airport makes it particularly compelling for interstate buyers, frequent travellers and second-home purchasers who can access an authentic coastal lifestyle almost immediately after stepping off a flight."

The acquisition takes MAYD's active development portfolio to more than $500 million, with the North Kirra project representing one of its largest undertakings to date.

MAYD is targeting an early 2027 launch.

First look at MAYD's North Kirra mixed-use precinct

<main data-perf-region="main">
Castle Hill, the longtime hub of the Hills District, has been one of the major beneficiaries of Sydney's Metro expansion, with improved connectivity helping drive continued population growth, development and buyer demand across the Hills District.

But despite that growth, the suburb has seen relatively few major new apartment projects brought to market over the past 18 months.

Hills District developer Reve Group is looking to fill that gap with <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/new-apartments/nova-r-ve-castle-hill-2-garthowen-crescent-castle-hill-nsw-2154">Nova Rêve</a>, a major new mixed-use precinct on the corner of Garthowen Crescent and Old Castle Hill Road, a short walk from Castle Hill Metro Station and Castle Towers.

[smartcode_project:default project_id=152737 project_image_fid=377679]

The project will comprise three residential towers alongside a hotel, restaurants, cafes and a skybar, more than 1,600 sqm of ground-floor retail and almost an acre of landscaped gardens.

It represents the largest project undertaken by Reve Group, the development arm of the Kassis family, which has been building across the Hills District for more than 30 years through Kassis Homes.

[smartcode_project:default project_id=152737 project_image_fid=377675]

Nova Rêve also represents a significant step up from the family's first apartment development, Grand Rêve, which was delivered nearby on Garthowen Crescent.

Grand Rêve introduced larger, house-like apartment layouts and premium inclusions including Wolf and Sub-Zero appliances to the Castle Hill market.

Nova Rêve takes that approach to a precinct scale, combining the residential component with hospitality, retail and substantial public and resident landscaping.

[smartcode_project:default project_id=152737 project_image_fid=377685]

Reve Group Managing Director Sam Kassis said the project reflected the family's three decades of building in the Hills, which has evolved from trophy homes on quarter-acre blocks to larger-scale apartment development.

"Grand Rêve was our first apartment project here and it showed us what this pocket of Castle Hill could be. Nova Rêve is the refinement of that idea: not just apartments, but a place the whole suburb can use," Kassis said.

A key part of that approach is the hotel, which has been designed to operate as an amenity for the wider Castle Hill community rather than solely hotel guests.

It will include restaurants, cafes, skybars and all-day dining, alongside conference and event facilities catering to business functions, community groups and private events.

At ground level, more than 1,600 sqm of shops and cafes will open onto the surrounding streets and landscaped areas.

Almost an acre of gardens designed by Land and Form Studios will run through the precinct, incorporating pathways, seating, barbecue areas and children's play spaces.

[smartcode_project:default project_id=152737 project_image_fid=377680]

Reve Group's Romio Georges said creating an active ground plane had been central to the planning of Nova Rêve.

"There are gardens with pathways, barbecues, seating and play areas, shops and cafes opening onto the street, and a hotel with restaurants and a skybar that anyone in Castle Hill can walk into," Georges said.

The project's elevated position on one of Sydney's highest ridgelines will also provide apartments with outlooks toward the Sydney skyline, surrounding parkland and the Blue Mountains.

More than 80 per cent of the apartments will occupy corner positions, with Turner responsible for both the architecture and interiors.

&nbsp;

[smartcode_project_cta:default project_id=152737]

<h3 data-end="3697" data-section-id="q3n5ak" data-start="3672">&nbsp;</h3>
</main>

Nova Rêve arrives as Reve Group bets on Castle Hill's next growth phase

Politics

<html><body>
The Abbott government’s National Commission of Audit has recommended the abandonment of Australia’s post-war fiscal structure in favour of a decentralised state-based model of taxation and service delivery that would significantly reduce the Commonwealth’s role in national life. It also recommends targeting pensions, disability insurance, carers, higher education students, foreign aid and the homeless in order to deliver a more sustainable long-term budget.
Across 66 recommendations aimed at reducing government spending by $60 billion to $70 billion per year by 2023, the commission, chaired by business figure Tony Shepherd, has called for a massive reduction in Commonwealth programs and substantial reform and restructuring of the public service. But the most radical call is for a return to pre-war taxation arrangements in which the states would partially control income tax.
Federalism:
The commission has called for the devolution of services to the level closest to those receiving the services — a common enough argument — but has backed it up by calling on the Commonwealth to reduce the current personal income tax rate and replace the reduced rate with an equivalent “state surcharge” revenue from which would be hypothecated to the states. State governments would then have the power to increase or decrease the surcharge “as a means of injecting further competition into the federation”.
GST revenue would also be split between the states on a per capita basis, with smaller states receiving top-up grants from the Commonwealth to ensure they are not worse off. In return, the Commonwealth would then slash tied grants to the states, in effect freeing up the states to use tax revenue as they see fit. Natural disaster payments to the states would also be reduced to one-quarter to one-third of the cost of recovery, and Commonwealth payments to local government would cease.
Transfer and social assistance payments:
The commission calls for a major overhaul of Commonwealth welfare programs:
<ul>
<li>Slowing indexation of the age pension so that it falls to 28% of average weekly earnings over a 15-year period and then remains at that level thereafter; 
</li>
<li>Automatically adjusting the eligibility age to 77% of life expectancy from 2033, such that the pension age would reach 70 in the 2050s; the superannuation preservation age would adjust automatically to be five years under the pension age; 
</li>
<li>The family home, above a high value threshold, would be included in the pension means test for new pensioners, and tapering rates increased, from 2027; 
</li>
<li>Making the Commonwealth Seniors Health Card harder to quality for; 
</li>
<li>Slowing down the roll-out of the National Disability Insurance Scheme; 
</li>
<li>Cutting off Family Tax Benefit A at a significantly lower threshold — just under $100,000 a year compared to $110,000 now, and reducing the level of benefits for families with more than one child; 
</li>
<li>Abolishing Family Tax Benefit B and replacing it with a sole parent family supplement; 
</li>
<li>Forcing young unemployed people to relocate to “higher employment areas” and increasing the taper rate for additional income; 
</li>
<li>More tightly targeting the Disability Support Pension and setting it at the same level as the age pension at the same time; 
</li>
<li>Consolidating indigenous-specific programs and altering arrangements for overseeing indigenous program spending; and 
</li>
<li>Dumping homelessness programs, as they are a state responsibility, and confining the Commonwealth’s social housing role to rent assistance payments.</li>
</ul>
Education:
The recommendations on education are straightforward — the commission wants the Commonwealth out of education as much as possible and wants higher education students to pay much more:
<ul>
<li>States to have full responsibility for schools, with the Commonwealth’s role limited to providing pools of funding for public, Catholic systemic and private schools, and funding capped at 2017 per-student levels indexed by a combination of CPI and the Wage Price Index applying education; 
</li>
<li>States to have full responsibility or vocational education and training; all Commonwealth programs to be abolished; 
</li>
<li>
“Significantly” reducing the size of the Commonwealth Department of Education; and 
</li>
<li>Students to pay a greater share of higher education costs — 55% from 41% now — and accelerating payments under the Higher Education Loan Program.</li>
</ul>
Defence:
The commission is sceptical of the government’s “aspiration” to lift defence spending to 2% of GDP (which would worsen the budget by $11 billion in 2023 if achieved, according to Shepherd) and suggests funding be driven by the capability required to counter the strategic risks Australia faces:
<ul>
<li>Moving the Defence Materiel Organisation back into the Department of Defence and privatising the Defence Housing Authority; 
</li>
<li>Cutting the level of staff in the Department of Defence to 1998 levels; 
</li>
<li>Greater transparency and budget accountability for the Department of Defence; 
</li>
<li>But on intelligence — bizarrely, no discussion of any kind by the commission of Australia’s massive intelligence budget.</li>
</ul>
Health:
While the commission wants the burden of healthcare shifted to the states, it recognises this is a more complex task than in education. Instead, its priority is imposing more user charges in health in order to deter overuse:
<ul>
<li>Punitive taxation for high income earners who don’t take out expanded, more flexible private health insurance, with no access to the private health insurance rebate; 
</li>
<li>All patients to make Medicare co-payments of $15 up to 15 visits a year and $7.50 thereafter, with lower rates for concession card holders; 
</li>
<li>State governments should impose emergency department co-payments for non-emergency treatment to deter avoidance of the GP co-payment; 
</li>
<li>Capping Commonwealth hospitals funding and reducing reporting requirements on hospitals; 
</li>
<li>Cap the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, increase co-payments and deregulate the pharmacy sector; 
</li>
<li>Aged care reforms currently in train are supported, but implementing the full suite of Productivity Commission recommendations in this area; and 
</li>
<li>Means-testing carer payments and targeting them only at carers whose ability to work has been limited, and setting them (eventually) at the same level as the age pension.</li>
</ul>
Industry and employment:
Having proposed that the axe be taken to individual welfare, the commission couldn’t avoid proposing a similar approach to corporate welfare. But it also wants Australia’s lowest wage earners to have their remuneration held down until it reaches 44% of average weekly earnings.
<ul>
<li>Limiting industry assistance to “areas of genuine market failure” and transitional assistance for “genuine structural change”, including closing 22 existing programs (the remaining automotive industry assistance schemes included) costing around $5 billion, and curbing anti-dumping provisions; 
</li>
<li>Abolishing export assistance by closing the Export Finance and Industry Corporation, closing the Export Market Development program, ending tourism grants and cutting back Tourism Australian and Austrade funding; 
</li>
<li>Consolidating and reducing research and development funding; 
</li>
<li>Less independence for the CSIRO “to ensure that resources are being directed at areas of greatest priority”; 
</li>
<li>Curbing the growth in the minimum wage until it is 44% of AWE in 10 years; 
</li>
<li>Capping the paid parental leave scheme at average weekly earnings (but not means-testing it) and redirecting savings to childcare assistance, which the commission believes was more important to female participation than the PPL; and 
</li>
<li>Ending Farm Finance Concessional Loans.</li>
</ul>
Foreign affairs and immigration: 
<ul>
<li>Abandoning the current bipartisan policy of linking foreign aid with Gross National Income and only indexing current levels of foreign aid, and reducing it if fiscal needs require it; 
</li>
<li>Outsourcing visa processing; and 
</li>
<li>Reducing costs of detaining asylum seekers to 2011-13 levels, plus “renegotiating contracts and better targeting of services”.</li>
</ul>
Broadcasting:
<ul>
<li>Benchmarking the ABC and SBS against commercial broadcasters to inform decisions to cut funding.</li>
</ul>
Public service:
<ul>
<li>Abolishing 35 agencies, a list headed by the Australian Public Service Commission (to be folded into the Department of Employment); most casualties though are small advisory boards; 
</li>
<li>Merge or consolidate over 60 other bodies: the biggest is the merger of Customs and Immigration, and 22 health bodies should be considered for merger or consolidation; 
</li>
<li>Privatise Australian Hearing Services, Snowy Hydro Ltd, Defence Housing Australia, ASC, consider privatising Australia Post in the medium-term; 
</li>
<li>Outsource the Department of Human Services payments system; 
</li>
<li>Public service departments to shift away from middle-management heavy structures; 
</li>
<li>Public servants to be required to be “highly productive”; 
</li>
<li>Departments to provide corporate/HR services to small agencies in their portfolios; and 
</li>
<li>A more coherent and systematic alignment of key performance indicators, reporting requirements and program evaluation.</li>
</ul>
Infrastructure:
<ul>
<li>Commonwealth should only invest  in projects “that provide broad economic or social benefits beyond commercial returns but cannot be completely funded in the short-term by user charges and would not otherwise go ahead”; and 
</li>
<li>
“Over time”, move to road-user charging “for all vehicles to the maximum extent possible”.</li>
</ul>
This article first appeared on <a href="https://www.crikey.com.au/" target="_blank">Crikey</a>.
</body></html>

bkeane-XQ2u7CA6bB

Commission of Audit recommends radical shake-up of state and federal government relations

<html><body>
Noting that the new NSW Cabinet is strong, with the potential to deliver much-needed planning reforms, regional plans and pending strata reforms, the Urban Development Institute of Australia NSW expects that affordability should increase.
UDIA NSW chief executive, Stephen Albin, told Property Observer that the reforms are a major apart of the industry performing well and maintaining this performance, as well as bringing much needed infrastructure to specific areas.
Asked which reform was most needed, Albin mentioned that there were many on his list, however it’s infrastructure levies that are one of the most significant issues, particularly for housing affordability. He expects this is one area where the new Cabinet can have an effect.
“It’s a complete shmozzle,” he said of the levy.
“It adds at least 15 to 20% to the value of a new property,” he explained, noting that when one part of the chain requires an increased payment, this is in turn going to be passed onto the consumer, as can be expected for any product.
Albin noted that in New South Wales, this is one of the highest levies globally.
However, there are other areas where affordability can be assisted.
He pointed to five priorities for the State Senate: 
<ul>
<li>NSW Planning Reforms 
</li>
<li>The Metropolitan Strategy for Sydney 
</li>
<li>The Illawarra Regional Strategy 
</li>
<li>The Lower Hunter Regional Strategy 
</li>
<li>NSW Strata Reforms</li>
</ul>
“Now we’re heading toward a state election, and recent distractions are out of the way, it’s crucial this current government gets on with the job of delivering much needed reforms,” he said.
“What we would like to see is these plans and policies rolled out as soon as possible to assist in the creation of more investment certainty to support the economy and jobs, and affordable homes for our state’s growing population.”
The regional strategies, in particular, were said to help bring infrastructure and money into these areas.
“I think people are always scared of changes,” he said of the reforms, which he noted would be the biggest overhaul in 30 years, however he also said that these reforms would not cause16-storey buildings to be built in peoples’ backyards, and especially not without consultation.
“They’re about cooperation, not conflict,” he explained in the shift towards New South Wales’ planning.
“The whole system needs to be changed. We’ve dealt with the current system for 30 years, and communities cannot got another three.”
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jduke-EHk3XBmHkn

Affordability should increase under new NSW Cabinet: UDIA

<html><body>
The Real Estate Institute of New South Wales has warned that vacancy rates in Sydney are now at a crisis low levels, with the number of properties for rent dropping 0.3% to 1.4% in the March 2014 Vacancy Rate Survey.
This is a figure not seen broadly since November 2011, according to REINSW president Malcolm Gunning.
“Sydney is going backwards in regard to properties available for rent. Something must be done to ensure that there is a greater level of choice for those seeking to secure a rental property in Australia’s biggest city,” said Gunning.
Inner Sydney vacancy rates declined by 0.2%, to 1.3%, while the middle and outer suburbs dropped 0.4% and 0.1% to 1.6% and 1.5% respectively.
Again, it appears all eyes are on new Premier, Mike Baird, as to how property will be treated.
“We look with interest to the direction new Premier Mike Baird will take in regard to property. His support is essential to ensure that the best and brightest remain in NSW. This can only happen if he identifies the inequities of the current planning system as well as lack of affordable housing and incentives for first home buyers,” Gunning continued.
<a href="/news">Newcastle</a>, however, increased by 0.1%, to 2.5%, while the Hunter also stayed relatively flat with a 0.1% decrease to 3.1%. <a href="/news">Wollongong</a> was up 0.7% to 2.3%, with the whole of the Illawarra then placed at 2.1% up from 1.7%.
The Mid-North Coast’s vacancy rate was recorded as the lowest outside Sydney metro, at 1.4%, a 0.3% tightening, while <a href="/news">Coffs Harbour</a> has the highest availability at 3.8%, up from 3%.
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Investor alert: Sydney vacancy rates at "crisis levels"

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The longest standing prerequisite for being a politician in Australia is to turn a question into a rhetorical question – cue Sydney’s political self-preservation argument for a second airport.
This particular debate goes way back to the 1970s where nearly five decades after the initial announcement reality has now come to the fore. The only reason for this five decade delay was the concern of politicians losing office should they back such a controversial recommendation.
The Sydney to Melbourne route in 2011 was declared as the fifth busiest in the world. Sydney airport is by far the busiest in Australia with approximately 36 million passenger movements and 320,000 aircraft movements annually. By 2035, projections have passenger movements at 80 million and aircraft movements at nearly 430,000.
For too long Sydney has fictitiously survived under the falsehood that everything happens within just a 15 kilometre radius of the Sydney CBD. This myth was exposed further in 2014 when the state government moved that 24 hour a day, seven day a week clearways would come into force. Sydney was suffocating and the only solution was to move west – the embarrassing part of this entire debate is why has it taken so long?
<blockquote>
For too long Sydney has fictitiously survived under the falsehood that everything happens within just a 15 kilometre radius of the Sydney CBD.
</blockquote>
Look no further than the fact that Sydney does not have a plan to cope with the fastest growing population in Australia – which has resulted in residents moving elsewhere for a better lifestyle.
Kudos to Parramatta which has fast-tracked itself as Australia’s boomtown over the next five years with a record $8 billion designated with 33 major projects on the drawing board – when completed this will make it Australia’s fifth biggest CBD. An extra 838,000 square metres of commercial space and more than 3,700 apartments and townhouses have been approved.
This week’s announcement for a second Sydney airport at Badgerys Creek will add the largest construction growth spurt that NSW has ever seen – not surprisingly this will have a flow on effect to north and south coastal areas which will be watching the Sydney expansion with enormous interest – cue Newcastle and Wollongong.
Three graphs that will be of great interest not only to NSW but for every capital city in Australia will be:
<img class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-8505" src="https://www.rwm.com.au/files/2014/04/17-04-2014-11-17-08-AM.jpg" alt="17-04-2014 11-17-08 AM" width="599" height="401">
<img class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-8506" src="https://www.rwm.com.au/files/2014/04/17-04-2014-11-12-09-AM.jpg" alt="17-04-2014 11-12-09 AM" width="518" height="465">
<img class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-8507" src="https://www.rwm.com.au/files/2014/04/17-04-2014-11-15-26-AM.jpg" alt="17-04-2014 11-15-26 AM" width="525" height="453">
NSW has been stymied by a lack of direction which has been highlighted by elected politicians preferring their own vote protection over making crucial decisions that will guarantee growth, jobs and prosperity for NSW. Comparing the Olympic Games in Sydney in 2000 to the second airport announcement is like comparing a skateboard to a train. It is interesting to note that over the last 40 years Melbourne has increased its population by two thirds while Sydney has managed just a little over half.
So what will these announcements do to property prices? Well that’s pretty easy to answer as property prices are determined by supply v demand. For too long properties within a 15 kilometre radius of the Sydney CBD have attracted all the interest – this will now change significantly with the move by businesses in a westerly direction given that is where the workforces are (or will be). <a href="/news">Parramatta</a> and surrounding areas will flourish given that such infrastructure spending is unprecedented in an area outside the Sydney CBD region. Another bonus is that this construction boom will (in time) significantly bring down rents.
Australia is right in the middle of a housing affordability crisis which also has been conveniently ignored by politicians given this too is placed in the too hard basket. So it was interesting to note this week that New Zealand’s Housing Minister (yes, they have one and Australia does not) Nick Smith announced that he set an ambitious target to reduce housing affordability in NZ back to the long-run average of four times. Australia and NZ both share a median market of around 5.5%. Although this grand scheme lacks detail at least it has been tabled which is not the case in Australia given it’s not spoken about, and we don’t even have a designated minister.
Premier Barry O’Farrell fell on his sword last week and there is no denying he had to go. Brace yourself for plenty more revelations from ICAC and the Royal Commission into unions where I predict a record number of by-elections across Australia.
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robertsimeon-hRNTwJyXkQ

The announcement that finally had Sydney smiling

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Mike Baird's election as Premier of New South Wales has the Urban Taskforce suggesting that this may be a boost for the state’s economy, but that it may also have a significant effect on planning.
CEO of Urban Taskforce, Chris Johnson, said that as Treasurer, Baird did well with the state’s economy and this is a good platform to build from.
“The NSW government had become too bogged down in reviews and committees,” said Johnson.
He said that Baird needs to demonstrate leadership and a “can do” approach.
“Barry O’Farrell gave sound leadership to NSW over the last three years but his term was marked by a cautious approach with many potential reforms being slowed down.”
He also pointed to Gladys Berejiklian’s election as Deputy Leader as a potential positive, pointing to a required focus.
“Clearly issues like the sale of the poles and wires can now be rethought and hopefully a new look at the unresolved planning reforms can occur,” he said.
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Will Baird and Berejiklian do good things for NSW planning?

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The purchase of domestic real estate, and in particular residential real estate, is a topic that frequently attracts a lot of attention.
That’s nothing new; some of the same ‘concerns’ we hear and read about today have all been aired before. At various times and across different markets we have, for instance, seen big in-flows of money from Japan and the Middle East.
However offshore investment into our housing market always tends to be a touchy subject. I think that we should not see this as threatening or abnormal and as far as new projects are concerned, the impact of these buyers needs to be seen in the greater context of the total market.
It is unfortunate that currently any negatives surrounding this debate are being fuelled by a number of factors. Key among these is the reality that the inflow of funds is not aligned with our general market conditions. So as we see prices increase, and in some markets this may be impacting first time buyers, some blame is being attributed to offshore buyers. But there is also a clear benefit from the fact that demand in total is now driving a big increase in construction activity, and that is at a time when the local economy needs that stimulus.
Key motivations
Part of the reality of this trend is the fact that across Asia and in particular from China there is a weight of money available for investment. some of that money is regardless of any policy settings, naturally going to flow into our residential property. But are the key motivations of buyers necessarily any foundation for concern? I suggest that these buyers are in the main driven by motivations that we are all familiar with.
Accepting that almost all markets now operate on a global basis, offshore buyers will be motivated by quality of life, economic stability, good infrastructure – this includes both hard infrastructure like roads and everyday services such as power and water, but also soft infrastructure and a big item there is education and medical facilities. Lastly offshore buyers are attracted by political stability. A quick tally would clearly give Australia a big tick on all of these items and so it’s a good and appealing place to call home.
<blockquote>
There is clear benefit from the fact that housing demand is now driving a big increase in construction activity, and that is at a time when the local economy needs that stimulus.
</blockquote>
We also now have in Australia inter-generational changes that are reinforcing family ties and these are a big influence. it’s worth keeping in mind that we have seen this trend before. In particular as post-World War Two and post Vietnam brought about new waves of population growth.
I think that it’s easy to identify with these motivations, and also like most of us, it is the stability of the Australian lifestyle that is a strong appeal.
SENATE REVIEW
However now, and somewhat predictably, The Treasurer has asked the Senate <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/House_of_Representatives_Committees?url=economics/index.htm" target="_blank">House Standing Committee on Economics</a> to inquire into and report on Australia’s foreign investment policy as it applies to residential real estate.
A key starting point is the principle of Australia’s foreign investment policy, as it applies to residential property, is that the investment should increase Australia’s housing stock and as such this includes new developments that aim to deliver benefits to the local building industry and its suppliers. Which is now starting to happen.
Off-shore or foreign investors cannot generally buy established homes; however, temporary residents can apply to purchase one established dwelling to use as their residence while in Australia.
Despite these conditions and in view of some of the concerns already outlined the Committee has been asked to examine:
<ul>
<li>The economic benefits of foreign investment in residential property;</li>
<li>Whether such foreign investment is directly increasing the supply of new housing and bringing benefits to the local building industry and its suppliers;</li>
<li>How Australia’s foreign investment framework compares with international experience; and</li>
<li>Whether the administration of Australia’s foreign investment policy relating to residential property can be enhanced.</li>
</ul>
This looks like a quick review with the Committee’s report due in early October 2014.
LET’S NOT FORGET OTHER POLICIES
If as it appears the Senate Review is partly in response to helping keep homes affordable in particular for the FHB market, then it would also be an ideal time for government to look at how much government charges and red-tape adds to the cost of a home.
Stamp duty for example is levied on the GST already built into the cost of a new home, and development delays almost defy reason without any real benefits.
Could all levels of government be more engaged in creating a positive environment for new housing by direct leadership and by ensuring a more collaborative, results focused view among decision makers that directly or indirectly impacts housing supply and costs.
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pchittenden-eLqUUC8TWW

Offshore buyers are here to stay

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As widely expected the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) decided again to leave the cash rate in a holding pattern for the seventh straight meeting although somewhat surprising the rhetoric was considerably different this time around.
Sydney is the elephant in the room with house prices jumping 15.6% in the last year according to RP Data, although I would add that this is a lazy way of explaining and defining the property markets across Sydney given they are all performing differently – some are hot and some are not.
Back to the RBA where in an extraordinary week we heard both Glenn Stevens and treasury secretary Martin Parkinson publicly declaring that Australia needs to be closely looking at and discussing taxes and government spending. Well not before time. We are fast drawing the conclusion that the elected ones in Canberra have absolutely no idea how to run a business – they appear to be the only ones who don’t believe that the rate of GST needs to be increased.
Reading between the lines there was a clear concern about what will be brought down in the May budget with a clear indication together with framed criticism by Glenn Stevens: “Put simply, there are things that we want to do as a society, and have voted for, that are not fully funded by taxes over the medium term, as is starting to become clear in the lead up to the May budget.”
<blockquote>
As strange as it might sound, I’m looking forward to seeing the cash rate increases.
</blockquote>
Personally I think it is fabulous when the likes of Messrs Parkinson and Stevens have the fortitude to publicly speak their minds by firing shots at the government on the eve of the budget. Let’s fill in a few gaps – NDIS and paid parental leave are the main culprits to which they were referring.
A perfect case in hand that should be at the forefront of the Abbott government's mind is that $16.2 billion Building and Education Revolution, the master class of the Rudd and Gillard terms which has now been condemned as an international case study of legislative and bureaucratic failure. Reading between the lines again, it would appear that Messrs Stevens and Parkinson are politely pointing out that the Australian economy can ill afford repeats of policy failures.
When you’ve been selling real estate for nearly 30 years, interest rates scare the living daylights out of you! And, as strange as it might sound, I’m looking forward to seeing the cash rate increases. Many economists are suggesting that this will happen in 2015 although I am of the opinion we will start seeing increases sooner rather than later with small increment increases.
<img src="/images/2014/04/07/simeon-april-7-one.jpg" alt="">
<img src="/images/2014/04/07/simeon-april-7-two.jpg" alt="">
<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/business/the-economy/housing-bubble-fears-property-prices-could-fall-10-to-20-per-cent-20140331-35sg7" target="_blank" title="Housing bubble fears: property prices could fall 10 to 20 per cent">Housing bubble fears: property prices could fall 10 to 20%</a> was an interesting piece by Christopher Joye although it lacks market definition. Yes, certain parts of the Australian real estate market are over inflated, those being the new suburbs crashing through the $1,000,000 mark for the very first time which will, as history has shown, be the hardest and fastest hit. By comparison the traditional markets such as Paddington, Mosman, Pymble and Bondi, for example, are tracking upwards although at nowhere near the pace of the hotspot suburbs.
I can see the cash rate moving from its current rate of 2.50% to 3.50% next year which will in time place a number of households under increasing financial pressure, although we have seen this happen time and time again. Most notably in the early 2000s the cash rate fell from 6.25% in <a href="https://www.rba.gov.au/statistics/cash-rate/cash-rate-1997-2001" target="_blank" title="September 2000 to 4.25 per cent in December 2001">September 2000 to 4.25% in December 2001</a>. We then witnessed dramatic market corrections in south-west Sydney as the cash rate started climbing to <a href="https://www.rba.gov.au/statistics/cash-rate/cash-rate-2008-2014" target="_blank" title="7.25 per cent in March 2008">7.25% in March 2008</a> where it then started being eased to where we find it today at 2.50%.
So what amazes me more is that currently we are seeing record numbers of investors entering the market, which can be best described as panic buying – investors now make up 40% of value of total housing loan approvals in NSW and Victoria. So when and where we do see property market corrections this is when we see the astute investors entering the market – the experienced ones are certainly keeping their powder dry.
What this does clearly identify is that politicians and investors pay very little attention to history where more often than not they become part of history.
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When it comes to interest rates investors should learn a bit from history

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GUEST OBSERVATION
One of biggest issues to be addressed in last weekend’s WA Senate poll - and perhaps one of the most complex, too - was how best to maintain the state’s growth trajectory through the forthcoming period of transition.
Western Australia has undeniably seen the benefits from sustained economic growth over the course of the resources boom, with the state’s per capita gross income rising to around 50% above national levels in little over a decade.
<img src="https://62e528761d0685343e1c-f3d1b99a743ffa4142d9d7f1978d9686.ssl.cf2.rackcdn.com/files/45584/width668/2z8jq8pc-1396569575.jpg" alt="">
Real per capita Gross State Income: WA and Australia, 1992 to 2013
However, the latest economic data does support the view that the WA economy has passed the peak of the construction phase of the commodities boom (characterised by growth in productive capacity, high employment and real wage growth). It is now moving to a production phase in which the state’s productive capacity is “put to work” in driving resource volume and export growth.
Early signs of this transition can be seen in reduced capital investment growth, lower participation and rising unemployment. WA’s unemployment rate has almost always been below the national rate, but there are signs that the unemployment and participation gaps are narrowing.
<img src="https://62e528761d0685343e1c-f3d1b99a743ffa4142d9d7f1978d9686.ssl.cf2.rackcdn.com/files/45580/width668/pkb3vxgg-1396569393.jpg" alt="">
Unemployment and labour force participation: WA and Australia, 1991–2013
Relatedly, the changing workforce and skills requirements for WA require careful thought. Skilled migration, whether from interstate or from overseas, can only do so much to meet the changing demand for labour in the state. The shifting industrial composition also requires an education and training system flexible enough to retrain WA workers to match the needs of industry.
Housing policy was also an important battleground in this weekend’s elections.
Industry group affordability indicators published recently suggest that WA isn’t significantly out of line with other states and territories. However, most of these measures dwell on cost burdens for the “typical” family and house, disguising some big economic and social issues facing policymakers.
The Perth housing market has a real problem providing affordable rentals to low income families, or the right types of properties in the right locations. The housing sector points to high construction, regulation and approvals costs as the main impediment to the efficient supply of affordable housing. Whatever the cause, these issues are common topics of conversation for West Australians.
Australia raises proportionately more in direct taxation than the OECD average (around 60%, two thirds of which is personal income taxation) but significantly less from indirect taxes (mainly GST) - 13% against an OECD average of around 19%.
Federal Treasury secretary Martin Parkinson this week rehearsed the positive arguments for shifting the balance of income taxation and GST more towards the latter, but the context is not textbook. If you had to raise more revenue as a government to honour public spending commitments on NDIS, health and schools reform, support the ageing baby boomer population, and defend against falling terms of trade, which would you choose?
<blockquote>
Housing policy was also an important battleground in this weekend’s elections.
</blockquote>
The subtle increases in direct tax revenues through fiscal drag can stretch only so far, and more overt increases in company or personal income taxation face strong political headwinds. It does seem unnecessarily restrictive for the Federal government to deliver effective tax policy in more challenging economic times with its GST hand tied behind its back. However, consumption taxes may be more efficient, but they’re more regressive too.
WA households have experienced significant real incomes growth over the course of the resources boom, not just in absolute terms but relative to the national trend. But this growth hasn’t been distributed evenly, and the impact of an increase in GST tends to fall regressively on lower income earners who are less able to substitute away from consumption.
With the falling allocation of the GST wealth share to WA - down to 4.2% - placing more pressure on the state’s spending program, there is a need to ensure that economic policy responses don’t contribute to further increases in inequality beyond those already seen.
When it comes to GST shares, it’s hard to argue that WA gets out what it puts in. However, whether the GST return to WA is “fair” (or at least reasonable) depends on the position one takes on the redistributive philosophy underlying the allocation of GST shares across states and territories.
Alan Duncan is director of the Bankwest Curtin Economics Centre and Bankwest Research Chair in Economic Policy at Curtin University.<img src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/25135/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="line-height: 1.3em;">
The Bankwest Curtin Economics Centre is an independent economic and social research organisation located within Curtin Business School at Curtin University. The Centre was established in 2012 with support from Bankwest (a division of Commonwealth Bank of Australia) and Curtin University. The views in this article are those of the author and do not represent the views of Curtin University and/or Bankwest or any of their affiliates.
The views in this article are those of the author and do not represent the views of Curtin University and/or Bankwest or any of their affiliates.
This article was originally published on <a href="https://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>.
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jake-cSmGT7VXVf

Enough talk: the economic policies that WA needs now

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Modern governments believe that during budget framing, it is politically savvy to parade the pain. We saw it with Labor and the Coalition is doing the same.
There are scary scenarios of what would happen without remediation, with warnings about problem areas. Some surprises will be held for the night, but other measures will be strategically “leaked” beforehand.
Tony Abbott, in Perth campaigning for the West Australian Senate election, let it be known he was chairing Wednesday’s meeting of cabinet’s expenditure review committee.
Shadow treasurer Chris Bowen declared it was the first time in Australian history a PM had chaired the ERC, claiming it showed dysfunction at the highest level.
This was nonsense. The government could quickly counter that Bob Hawke, John Howard and Kevin Rudd had also done so.
But it was surprising Abbott gave such a high profile to this “razor gang” meeting.
The ERC is all about nasties and, after all, Labor is making the prospect of deep budget cuts a centrepiece of its WA Senate campaigning. Abbott seemed to be providing ammunition. On the other hand, he could take the view Labor had the bullets anyway so he might as well play the longer game.
Treasury secretary Martin Parkinson publicly chimed into the pre- budget debate with a speech reinforcing the government’s lines about spending growth in the big areas.
But Parkinson also sent a public message to the government for later about what it should do on taxation.
With Hockey shining attention on health and pension costs, Parkinson documented the escalation.
Total Commonwealth spending on health is set to rise from $64.7 billion in nominal terms in 2013-14 to $74.6 billion in 2016-17, and to $116 billion in 2023-24.
The Commonwealth’s three main pension payments - for the aged, those on disability support and carers – will grow at an annual 6% in nominal terms over the forward estimates, adding $13 billion to annual payments by 2016-17, and another $39 billion by 2023-24. “Of this nearly $52 billion in additional payments in 2023-24, compared to 2013-14, over half is a result of indexation with the remainder due to increases in the number of recipients.”
That seems a fair hint that both drivers are being looked at. It should be remembered that successive governments have been trying to curtail the numbers on the disability pension but it has seemed a losing battle. It’s never as easy as it looks in theory.
Parkinson then turned to the tax side. His argument, aimed well beyond this budget and directed squarely at the political masters he will leave in December, is crystal clear. Australia needs a tax system it relies more on indirect tax, less on direct tax. The king of indirect taxes is, of course, the GST.
Parkinson pointed to one rather surprising fact, given the tax debates we’ve been through over many years. “Despite reforms that broaden the tax base (such as the GST), and decisions that have lowered corporate and personal tax rates across the decades, the share of direct and indirect taxes (as well as Australia’s reliance on income taxes) has changed little since the 1950s.”
Australia had relatively high reliance on direct taxes as a proportion of revenue raised compared with other OECD countries, he noted, before observing that: “Research consistently says that reduced reliance on income taxes and increased reliance on other, more efficient sources of revenue, including indirect taxes, can support higher growth and higher living standards by increasing workforce participation and lifting productivity.”
The problem is that “without conscious change, Australia’s tax mix will move in the opposite direction as personal income tax increases through fiscal drag”.
“We will move even further in this direction if, as we anticipate, the relative share of total indirect taxes (including GST) continues its long-term decline. Contributing to this decline is the non-indexation of fuel excise (unlike other excise rates) and a rising proportion of consumption outside the GST net, for example, in increased health expenditure.”
Parkinson warned that “continued increases in the personal income tax burden will hit lower and middle income earners with higher marginal and average tax rates. This will have adverse labour force participation impacts, while sharpening incentives for tax minimisation by higher income earners”.
The globalised economy meant Australia would be under pressure to cut the company tax rate.
“Given the pressure to return fiscal drag and to reduce the burden of corporate income tax, it will be a challenge to maintain the current levels of revenue over the medium term, let alone the increases required to achieve the budget projections.”
In the past, Parkinson said, tax reform had largely been pursued through broadening tax bases as an offset for lowering tax rates.
“However, a key challenge for the upcoming White Paper on Taxation will be to consider the mix of taxes, including whether there is a role for a greater contribution from indirect taxes.”
The opportunity were there to plot a path to a better tax system and the dangers clear if it was not done.
“If we do not start making these changes and simply keep drifting along we will be increasingly vulnerable to the next global crisis and will also lose out on the opportunities presented by the rising Asian middle class. The exceptionalism of this ‘lucky country’ will become just a distant, ironic memory and our children may really end up ‘doing it tough’”.
So there you have it. Parkinson, axed by the government (though extended until year’s end) won’t be around for the battles after the white paper, which has a long time table.
But he has signposted another lot of unpalatable truths. In terms of painful decisions ahead, this budget is only the start of it for the Abbott government, which hates the idea of tax increases, fears the politics of a robust debate about needing a higher, broader GST and has promised to take any major tax changes to the election.<img src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/25161/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="line-height: 1.3em;">
Michelle Grattan is professorial fellow at the <a href="https://www.canberra.edu.au/" target="_blank" style="line-height: 1.3em;">University of Canberra</a>.
This article was originally published on <a href="https://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>.
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Treasury boss hints at the need for a broader GST

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We’ve now entered the traditional pre-budget softening-up period in which treasurers engage in expectations management ahead of the fiscal set-piece of the year in May. But even given that, Joe Hockey is treating us as complete idiots.
The line Hockey has been pushing for some days now, and which he gave a big push to yesterday in a flurry of media appearances, is that not merely did Labor hide the level of deficits in the current budget cycle, but that it left a series of hidden spending commitments in the unpublished years beyond forward estimates. Hockey has been circulating a document to journalists portrayed in the media as a “Treasury analysis” that shows how “the Coalition inherited an unsustainable budget position” and Labor “hid [expenditure] from the public”. Hockey would like us to see him as a budgetary innocent who has found himself in the middle of a fiscal minefield planted by Labor.
<a href="https://media.crikey.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/BRIEFING-NOTE.pdf"><img class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-431677" src="https://media.crikey.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/2014-04-01_11-33-411.jpg" alt="" width="520" height="180"></a>
Well <a href="https://media.crikey.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/BRIEFING-NOTE.pdf" target="_blank">here’s the document</a>, and it isn’t a “Treasury analysis” — it’s prepared by Hockey’s media adviser, former Australian Financial Review journalist Gemma Daley. And if Hockey seriously expects us to believe his latest argument, he must have nothing but contempt for us. This is Hockey yesterday: “We didn’t anticipate that everything else would be of equal or larger scale as a tsunami coming across the water. The fact is Labor’s left us with a massive forecast increase in foreign aid, a massive increase in defence – for example in one year, there’s meant to be a real increase in defence spending of 13%, a 66% increase in foreign aid.”
<blockquote>
Hockey would like us to see him as a budgetary innocent who has found himself in the middle of a fiscal minefield planted by Labor.
</blockquote>
At another media conference, he said: “If no action was taken on the budget, what the fifth-year deficit would look like, contrary to what both Labor promised was a surplus, if no action was taken, based on the approximately 6% increase in expenditure between the fourth year and the fifth year, which Labor locked in on NDIS, on Gonski, on overseas aid, on hospitals, on defence …”
Well, um, tsunamis are actually tiny when they’re on the ocean — but never mind that, let’s look at the detail. Labor in fact revealed the funding for the National Disability Insurance Scheme — or DisabilityCare as it had been renamed — in the budget last May, with new spending broken down out to 2019:
<img class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-431667" src="https://media.crikey.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/2014-04-01_11-24-28.jpg" alt="" width="501" height="179">
In addition to the numbers in the budget papers, there was a specific “glossy” with funding graphs for <a href="https://budget.gov.au/2013-14/content/glossy/NDIS_policy/download/NDIS.pdf" target="_blank">DisabilityCare</a> and one for <a href="https://budget.gov.au/2013-14/content/glossy/gonski_policy/download/NPSI.pdf" target="_blank">education funding</a> as well, which was still being finalised in deals with the states. The increase in foreign aid was also in both the budget papers and a <a href="https://budget.gov.au/2013-14/content/ministerial_statements/download/AusAid_MS.pdf" target="_blank">ministerial statement by Bob Carr</a>  — not that the government got any credit for it, because it was actually a reduction, with the government’s Millennium Development Goal commitment to lifting foreign aid to 0.5% of gross national income put back another year to 2017. The government spelt out its planned increase in foreign aid up to and including 2017-18.
In fact in question time last week, Labor invited the Prime Minister to spell out the government’s MDG policy, which he duly did: aid is to reach 0.5% of GNI when the budget returns to surplus. Which raises the question of why, in Hockey’s Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook in December, Hockey left Labor’s MDG aid funding increase intact, in defiance of the government’s own policy. The answer, of course, was that it would inflate the budget deficit for 2017 and beyond.
As for defence, the Gillard government <a href="https://www.minister.defence.gov.au/2013/05/14/minister-for-defence-budget-2013-14-defence-budget-overview/" target="_blank">gave the portfolio a “guidance”</a> that it would receive around $220 billion in the six years from 2017-18, which Hockey’s document proposes to mean funding would leap 13% in 2017, when in fact the “guidance” reflects a growth rate in defence spending from 2017 lower than the average between now and 2017 of nearly 7%. And remember that Labor was repeatedly criticised fordecreasing defence spending — every armchair general and arms industry lobbyist in the joint was whinging about how we weren’t spending enough taxpayer money on buying gear from the US military-industrial complex. “Military spending slumps to 1930s level,” The Australian’s <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/opinion/columnists/military-spending-slumps-to-1930s-level/story-e6frg74x-1226352458112" target="_blank">Paul Kelly shrieked</a>. The 1930s theme — hint,appeasement!­ —  was picked up by the Coalition, including Tony Abbott and Barnaby Joyce. Abbott “aspired”, he said, to lift defence spending to 3% of GDP.
So, Labor were both neo-Chamberlain surrender monkeys for not spending enough on defence when in government and now, magically, reckless spendthrifts who committed too much to defence at the same time.
Hockey’s fiscal innocent act is a little hard to believe given we were told what an exhaustive, indeed exhausting, shadow ERC process Hockey was leading within the opposition at the time to establish its fiscal credibility.
And above all, there’s this point: if Hockey seriously believes his own claims about the budget beyond forward estimates, why did he remove Labor savings measures that offset future spending? Why did he remove the 15% tax on superannuation income over $100,000 a year, costing the budget billions beyond forward estimates, for the benefit of high income earners? Why did he restore the Fringe Benefits Tax rort on novated leases — remember Joe being photographed in front of a sports car? And why have Hockey and his leader pushed for the abolition of the mining tax, which even in its crippled form, according to Hockey’s own MYEFO, is worth more than $3 billion over forward estimates? Eventually it will be the only way of recovering some of the profits offshore owners of LNG and iron ore projects will make and ship overseas (over 60% of these projects are foreign owned or controlled).
Then there’s the silly decision to hand $8.8 billion of borrowed money to the Reserve Bank in one hit, when it doesn’t need the capital. And the sale of Medibank Private — a $4-5 billion contribution to the budget — will be spent on roads because Abbott wants to be an “infrastructure prime minister”, when it could cut the budget deficit or the debt. That could be $13-14 billion off the deficit and debt right there — or an interest saving of more than half-a-billion dollars a year.
Hockey is talking about sharing the budget burden around, but that’s only after the government plans to increase its own spending for political purposes and sought to hand billions of dollars in tax revenue back to foreign mining companies, large carbon emitters and the well-off in the community — revenue that would have offset exactly the spending on education, disability and foreign aid that Hockey is now claiming to have only just discovered.
This article originally appeared on <a href="https://www.crikey.com.au/" target="_blank" rel="nofollow">Crikey</a>.
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Developments

New apartments

New townhouses

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