<a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/developers/sunland-group">Sunland Group</a> has officially lodged plans for its first Gold Coast apartment project since the departure of the Abedian family from the company three years ago, unveiling a new high-rise proposal for a prominent Broadbeach corner site on Old Burleigh Road.

The application was submitted by an entity directed by Tom Jamieson, stepson of longtime Sunland leader Soheil Abedian, and Riaz Rezvanipour, brother-in-law of Sahba Abedian, Soheil’s son.

Sunland acquired the 1,283 sqm site on the corner of Old Burleigh Road and Armrick Avenue for $9.5 million late last year and is now seeking approval for a <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/new-apartments/99-101-old-burleigh-road-broadbeach-qld-4218">42-storey tower with 81 apartments</a>.

<img alt="First look: Sunland Group returns to Broadbeach with new Old Burleigh Road tower plans" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="fea2946d-90ee-4cfc-babe-2a8ad5db2cb6" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/pers.png?VersionId=BV0fihJw31nDIQ8ozY_h3GbS8mxDyhnm" />

Designed by <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/architects/contreras-earl-architecture">Contreras Earl Architecture</a>, the proposed tower at 99-101 Old Burleigh Road would deliver a predominantly larger-format apartment mix aimed at the owner-occupier market. Plans include 17 two-bedroom apartments, 55 three-bedroom apartments, and nine four-bedroom residences across 35 residential levels.

The development also incorporates three basement levels, four podium parking levels, two levels of communal recreation facilities, and rooftop plant and equipment. A total of 189 car spaces are proposed, significantly exceeding the 90 spaces required under the planning scheme.

The architecture adopts a sculpted, curvilinear form, with deep wraparound balconies and integrated landscaping intended to soften the tower’s vertical expression. The planning report states the building’s “slender footprint/form provides a complimentary yet varied built form within the local streetscape” and contributes to “a varied, yet ordered skyline.”

Contreras Earl noted in its Architectural Statement that from the early stages, the project addressed a fundamental challenge: how to accommodate the required residential yield while avoiding the conventional model of a tower sitting on a rigid, fully resolved parking podium.

“The most direct response would have been to consolidate parking into a singular, flat podium and extrude a repetitive tower above,” the statement said. “While efficient, this approach would result in a consolidated built form with limited engagement with the surrounding landscape and public realm.”

Instead, the conventional podium model was “deliberately rejected”. The architects described the base of the building as “a landscaped architectural condition where structure, planting and circulation are integrated”.

“Rather than presenting a continuous built mass, the base of the building is articulated through a series of concrete planter elements that organise the podium into a fragmented system,” the statement said. “This approach reduces the perceived bulk of the lower levels while establishing a more permeable interface with the streetscape and adjacent open space.”

<img alt="Sunland" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="923fad8d-c960-4527-8fbe-975cf1ddf88d" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/Screenshot%202026-05-25%20at%2010.32.03%E2%80%AFAM.png?VersionId=pngwb0hYOIUpq9vDw6F2EsOiVuHF3DiX" />

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The site sits within the High Density Residential Zone and inside the City of Gold Coast’s unrestricted “HX” building height area, where the planning framework anticipates intensified residential development tied to the expanding light rail corridor. The planning report notes the area is undergoing “transition toward more intense development forms” given its proximity to Broadbeach, Surfers Paradise, and high-frequency public transport infrastructure.

Positioned directly opposite Broadbeach Park and within walking distance of Florida Gardens light rail station, the development would sit among a rapidly evolving stretch of Old Burleigh Road that has become one of the Gold Coast’s most active apartment development corridors.

The application joins a growing pipeline of luxury residential projects reshaping Broadbeach, including nearby developments by 5Point Projects, Polycell, and Graya.

The planning report argues the project contributes toward the Gold Coast’s long-term housing targets under the South East Queensland Regional Plan, which forecasts the need for more than 100,000 additional high-rise dwellings across the city by 2046.

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The Abedian family departed Sunland Group in late 2023, ending a four-decade association with the company, and subsequently established the private development firm Abedian &amp; Co. The group is currently delivering <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/new-apartments/greenmount-residences-cnr-hill-street-and-marine-parade-coolangatta-qld-4225">Greenmount Residences</a> at Rainbow Bay and recently launched <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/new-apartments/18-mary-avenue-14-18-mary-avenue-broadbeach-qld-4218">18 Mary Avenue</a> in Broadbeach.
</section>

Joel Robinson

First look: Sunland Group returns to Broadbeach new apartment market with new Old Burleigh Road tower plans

The Minns Labor Government has established the new Bays West Delivery Authority to lead the development&nbsp;of the Bays West Precinct and Blackwattle Bay Precinct.&nbsp;

The Authority is charged with creating Sydney’s newest precinct, a thriving, connected, sustainable hub with White Bay Power Station as its cultural heart. Its vision is to build on the area’s natural, cultural and industrial history to shape a vibrant new neighbourhood.

The precinct will deliver up to 8,500 well-located homes, including a minimum of 10 per cent affordable and essential worker homes. Combine new housing with public open space, opening public access to the waterfront for the first time in more than 100 years, while retaining important deep-water facilities to support Sydney’s working harbour.

Located just minutes from the Sydney CBD and connected to a world-class metro, ferry, walking and cycling links, the Bays West precinct will rebalance housing growth towards well-serviced inner-city locations and help tackle the state’s housing crisis.

The Bays West Delivery Authority,&nbsp;an agency of the Department of Planning, Housing and Infrastructure, will report to the NSW Minister for Lands and Property who already has oversight of major precinct renewal projects including at Blackwattle Bay and Barangaroo.

As part of the broader Bays West transformation, the Minns Government recently announced that a proposal from Lendlease to redevelop part of the Bays West Precinct has progressed to Stage 2 of the NSW Government’s unsolicited proposals process.

<img alt="Sydney" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="2ed71eb9-d8e8-4fa7-b9d1-de4531dcf2f3" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/Screenshot%202026-05-25%20at%209.42.31%E2%80%AFAM.png?VersionId=IDryFIbped9SNDg72LEN_EecvhUsOPvp" />

The Minns Labor Government has also confirmed the Bays West precinct will have a new suburb name. This will be the first major suburb built in close proximity to Sydney’s CBD in decades and will encompass the area currently being referred to as Bays West, including Glebe Island and the White Bay Power Station. Served by a new Metro station just five minutes from the CBD, it will become one of the most populous suburbs in the Inner West and one of Sydney’s premier cultural destinations.

An early works program is taking shape, which&nbsp;includes the first stages of an international design competition.&nbsp;

The aim of the Bays West&nbsp;International&nbsp;Design Competition is to&nbsp;ensure design excellence is embedded in the project from the start. The competition will deliver an&nbsp;urban framework that defines the character, ambition and long-term identity of&nbsp;this&nbsp;former industrial precinct as it transitions to a vibrant, inclusive and sustainable residential&nbsp;neighbourhood.

The competition will be led by the Bays West Delivery Authority in partnership with Government Architect NSW.&nbsp;

It will launch with an invitation for a global Expressions of Interest, before moving to an invitation-only stage that will be assessed by a panel that&nbsp;will provide advice to Cabinet who will select a winner.

Premier of NSW, Chris Minns said the establishment of the new Authority is the first step in transforming the Bays West precinct into a vibrant, livable suburb minutes from the Sydney CBD and two stops from Hunter St Station on the Metro West line.

“The Authority will deliver well-located homes close to the heart of the city and integrate the new precinct with Blackwattle Bay and the new Sydney Fish Market.

“This is a generational opportunity to build a new suburb on the city’s edge and open the harbour foreshore to the public for the first time in a century.”&nbsp;

Minister for Lands and Property Steve Kamper said the new Bays West Delivery Authority established by the Minns Government will turbocharge the development of Sydney’s newest suburb.

“The Authority is working at a record pace to deliver an international design competition, planning pathways and a financial model so that this development benefits Sydney with well-designed homes in a central location, close to public transport, jobs, entertainment and essential services.

“If we want Sydney to stay liveable and affordable, we need to be bold about using underutilised government-owned land to deliver homes for the future while making sure essential working harbour functions can be accommodated.”

Bays West Delivery Authority established to "turbocharge" Sydney’s newest suburb

Around 400 additional homes could be built at Southwark Grounds on Port Road, lifting total site capacity from 1300 to around 1700 dwellings.

A recently approved code amendment would allow apartment towers of up to 14 storeys in some areas of Renewal SA’s redevelopment of the former West End Brewery.

Renewal SA Acting Chief Executive Shane Wingard said he welcomed the code amendment, with the increase in heights and homes making a positive impact on the supply of high-quality, well-connected housing close to the city.

“By going higher across some parts of Southwark Grounds, we are adding a substantial number of very well-located homes with little impact on project delivery time or planned open space,” Mr Wingard said.

Since the project officially launched in 2025, Mr Wingard said more than 12,000 enquiries had been received about living at Southwark Grounds.

“The very strong early interest we’ve seen since homes were first released in the precinct reinforces our plans to create more housing opportunities,” he said.

The Southwark Grounds code amendment was launched in December last year, with community engagement undertaken over five weeks from January.

It proposed increasing maximum building heights from eight to 14 storeys on the eastern section of Southwark Grounds, and to 12 storeys across the remainder of the site, with minimum building heights ranging from two to four storeys.

The code amendment was implemented through an Early Commencement policy in late January, allowing developers to quickly explore the viability of increased height and housing yield while other planning processes continue.

One of the first developers delivering apartment sites have already finalised redesigns to increase the number of apartments following the code amendment.

Samaras’ development adjacent to the future Colonel Light Park is now planning to deliver 125 apartments across 11 storeys, significantly greater than original plans of around 50 apartments across four storeys.

The developer is also exploring the potential for additional affordable housing outcomes.

Most of the apartments at Southwark Grounds will be delivered within a master-planned precinct on a large parcel of land on the eastern portion of the site, covering around two-thirds of its 8.4 hectares.

Wingard said detailed precinct planning over the coming months may identify further opportunities to increase yield further that could see total apartment numbers at Southwark Grounds, exceed this number.

Affordable homes at Southwark Grounds will also see a net increase, with Renewal SA maintaining its commitment to a minimum of 20 per cent affordable housing across the development.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Civil works have begun across the site, with construction under way on the first new roads surrounding a townhouse precinct in the south‑west corner of Southwark Grounds. This includes Renewal SA’s 17 Founder’s Row homes, which are on track for completion by Christmas.

“We expect to have people living at Southwark Grounds by the end of the year, so delivering roads and public spaces for those residents is among our highest priorities.”

Construction of 40 townhouses off Anderson Street, known as West Village and being delivered by Contour, is forecast to begin in mid‑2026. Kolabb’s Anderson Lane development will follow shortly after, delivering a further 26 townhouses.

Southwark Grounds is a state government‑led urban renewal project now set to deliver around 1,700 homes over the next decade.

Homes will be supported by a supermarket, a range of retail and hospitality offerings anchored by a revitalised Walkerville Brew Tower, a childcare centre, car parking and well‑connected public spaces.

400 new homes planned for Adelaide's former West End Brewery site

Brisbane developer&nbsp;<a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/developers/cavcorp">Cavcorp</a> has lodged plans for a new mixed-use residential development at <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/new-apartments/55-wyandra-street-teneriffe-qld-4005">55 Wyandra Street</a>, Teneriffe, anchored by an 85-metre public laneway designed to reconnect the suburb’s riverfront with the Gasworks precinct.

The buildings, known as Teneriffe House and Teneriffe Lane, would replace the existing Queensland Cotton head office site with a 15-storey residential tower transitioning to eight storeys toward Helen Street. The project has been designed by Plazibat Architects and lodged as a code assessable development application for 93 apartments across a 3,401 sqm mixed-use site within the Newstead and Teneriffe Waterfront neighbourhood plan.

Central to the scheme is the transformation of an existing service easement into a publicly accessible cross-block connection linking Wyandra and Helen Streets. Cavcorp says the new laneway will act as both a pedestrian shortcut and a landscaped civic space between the Teneriffe Riverwalk, ferry terminal, and Gasworks precinct.

<img alt="First Look: Cavcorp unveils Teneriffe House and Teneriffe Lane plans for landmark wellness tower in Teneriffe" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="26e7f058-b065-4de8-b13d-a2b8cb64dfcc" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/bldg.png?VersionId=sELS0ZKYi361oYipUa1BIKfe_.DLZoFV" />

“The revised proposal delivers a legacy public-realm cross-block link, permanently secured for community use, transforming an existing private easement into a safe, high-quality pedestrian connection between the Teneriffe heritage riverwalk and the Gasworks–Long Island precinct,” the planning report states.

The laneway will sit beneath a large subtropical loggia integrated into the podium levels of the development. The design incorporates deep landscaping, water gardens, lobby spaces, business lounges, and ground-floor apartments to create what Cavcorp describes as a climate-responsive “urban verandah.”

The tower itself has been designed as a slender form with recessed floorplates and curved translucent corners inspired by contemporary Japanese architecture. The building height aligns with the Commercial Road precinct controls, which permit towers up to 15 storeys within proximity to Longland Street.

<img alt="First Look: Cavcorp unveils Teneriffe House and Teneriffe Lane plans for landmark wellness tower in Teneriffe" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="a8a17d40-43b6-4718-b3fd-67676fcbb485" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/pers%202_1.png?VersionId=i3VwDtp5AmL_8InW7w4qRbDFEpb744Jt" />

The project will comprise a mix of larger-format apartments aimed at owner-occupiers, downsizers, and families. The proposed apartment mix includes 11 loggia apartments across the lower levels, 50 four-bedroom Sky-Terrace apartments from levels three to seven, and 32 Sky-Pool Homes occupying the upper tower levels. The Sky-Pool Homes will feature private thermal plunge pools integrated into oversized balconies.

According to the application, the apartments are intended to reinterpret the scale and character of Teneriffe’s woolstore conversions and Queensland homes within a vertical residential format.

“The sky-pool homes build on Cavcorp’s previous projects and introduce a distinct apartment typology to Teneriffe, informed by both local and international precedent and responding to an identified market demand for enhanced safety, space and amenity,” the planning submission notes.

A major focus of the proposal is its five-level wellness and lifestyle offering, extending from the basement through to the rooftop.

Amenities proposed include a rooftop Swim &amp; Racquet Club with a 25-metre Olympic lap pool and tennis court, coworking spaces and libraries, golf simulators, wine storage, concierge facilities, business lounges, pet wash areas, and rooftop longevity-focused wellness spaces with spas, outdoor fitness zones, and landscaped terraces.

<img alt="First Look: Cavcorp unveils Teneriffe House and Teneriffe Lane plans for landmark wellness tower in Teneriffe" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="944b352c-49b9-4247-a4c6-5967b4b69fda" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/amenity.png?VersionId=Ed_qKjAtMwFT.5gfl3jiA9QwdWxSMsaX" />

All parking will be concealed within basement levels accessed from Wyandra and Helen Streets. Cavcorp says the deep-basement engineering approach allows the entire ground plane to prioritise landscaping, pedestrian movement, and active frontage rather than vehicle infrastructure.

The development continues Cavcorp’s concentration in Newstead and Teneriffe, where the Brisbane developer has delivered a number of apartment projects including Lucent, Le Bain, and Luminare, as well as the Long Island Wellness Precinct nearby. Several of those projects have received national design and architecture awards, including recognition under Brisbane’s “Buildings that Breathe” program.

Cavcorp unveils wellness-focused Teneriffe House and Teneriffe Lane apartment buildings

Focus Group Investments has lodged plans for a new apartment development at <a href="https://www.apartments.com.au/new-apartments/64-70-hanover-street-fitzroy-vic-3065">64–70 Hanover Street</a> in Fitzroy, seeking to utilise the Victorian Government’s recently introduced Great Design Fast Track pathway to accelerate approvals for the project.

The proposal is among the latest developments to emerge through the state-led initiative, which was established to fast-track well-designed residential projects in activity centres and transport-connected inner-city locations. The pathway allows qualifying developments that meet elevated design and housing benchmarks to bypass traditional council planning timeframes and instead be assessed directly by the Department of Transport and Planning.

Designed by SJB, the development will comprise a mix of apartments above activated lower levels, with a strong focus on architectural articulation, landscaping, and communal amenity. The design response seeks to balance the industrial character of Richmond’s former warehouse precincts with a more contemporary residential form.

<img alt="First look: Focus Group Investments taps Victoria’s Great Design Fast Track for Richmond apartments" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="abea51cc-d85b-479e-9aef-a589f3b37ca7" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/ground.png?VersionId=e1Kf8EyPWwyiVumtqQ4rM5S4GpOR3CCz" />

Proposed are 63 new dwellings, a wide ranging mix of studio, one-, two-, and three-bedroom apartments, and townhouses and duplexes. They will be spread across a part-three, part-eight storey building.

The Planning and Urban Context Report by Tract says the development is of an "exemplary architectural standard" and has been carefully crafted by SJB Architects.

"Dwellings&nbsp;will benefit from excellent access to natural light, cross-ventilation opportunities and extensive communal space," the report noted.

The architectural material highlights the project’s integration of landscaped elements and communal spaces throughout the building. The proposal also incorporates sustainability initiatives aligned with the Victorian Government’s push for higher-performing apartment developments under the fast-track program.

The Great Design Fast Track was unveiled by the Victorian Government in 2024 as part of a broader housing supply strategy aimed at accelerating the delivery of new homes. Projects assessed through the pathway must demonstrate high-quality architecture, sustainability outcomes, and housing diversity while being located close to public transport and existing infrastructure.

<img alt="First look: Focus Group Investments taps Victoria’s Great Design Fast Track for Richmond apartments" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="afdbe834-8dc4-4a77-a943-ba07bc927348" src="https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/www.urban.com.au/s3fs-public/inline-images/site_11.png?VersionId=0J657j.TaChAZfp93wqJYBTqSsnREJx2" />

Focus Group, founder and led by Paul De Lutiis, is increasingly active across Melbourne’s inner suburbs, targeting well-connected urban renewal locations suited to medium and higher-density residential development. The Fitzroy proposal continues that strategy, leveraging the area’s strong transport links, established retail amenity, and proximity to the CBD.

Fitzroy has been one of the most popular spots for developers and buyers in recent years. The likes of PACE Development Group, SMA Projects, Crema Group and Chapter Group, currently selling projects in the suburb.

First look: Focus Group Investments taps Victoria’s Great Design Fast Track for Fitzroy apartments

Policymaking

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EXPERT OBSERVER
Households are feeling the pinch from frozen wages feeds into slower economic growth, and policymakers need to find a solution. 
<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/business/the-economy/rbas-philip-lowe-says-australians-fear-foreigners-and-robots-20170619-gwtr20" target="_blank">The crisis really is in real wage growth.</a> – Reserve Bank Governor Philip Lowe, 2017
Increased inequality and low wage growth are constraining economic growth. But why is wage growth so low? And how should policymakers respond?
<a href="https://wir2018.wid.world/" target="_blank">Income inequality has increased significantly</a> in most advanced economies since the early 1980s. In particular, very low rates of wage increase are widely blamed for the weak growth in aggregate demand this century and <a href="http://larrysummers.com/2016/02/17/the-age-of-secular-stagnation/" target="_blank">secular stagnation</a> since the Global Financial Crisis. The GFC was itself brought on by the rise in consumer debt that was used at first to support demand in an attempt to offset the impact of weak wage growth.
Fairfax columnist Ross Gittins recently <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/business/the-economy/with-wage-growth-on-the-blink-it-s-time-to-restore-union-bargaining-power-20180727-p4ztym" target="_blank">noted</a> that “many economists were disappointed by this week’s news … that consumer prices rose only 2.1%”. That was because low inflation is “usually a symptom of weak growth in economic activity and, in particular, of weak growth in wages”.
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Thus, today it is widely agreed that wages need to increase faster. The <a href="http://www.oecd.org/social/in-it-together-why-less-inequality-benefits-all-9789264235120-en.htm" target="_blank">OECD</a>, the <a href="http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2015/02/" target="_blank">IMF</a>, leading US scholars, former US Treasury Secretary <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2016-02-15/age-secular-stagnation" target="_blank">Larry Summers</a>, Nobel prize winner <a href="http://evonomics.com/joseph-stiglitz-inequality-unearned-income/" target="_blank">Joseph Stiglitz</a> and most recently Stephen Bell and I in our book, <a href="https://www.mup.com.au/books/9780522872279-fair-share" target="_blank">Fair Share</a>, have all argued that increasing inequality is bad for economic growth.
To solve this problem, the critical issue for policymakers is what is causing this rising inequality and weak wage growth? Unless we better understand the causes, we are unlikely to achieve an effective policy solution.
First, we can quickly dismiss the <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/http://www.abc.net.au/radio/programs/am/treasurer-says-tax-cuts-for-big-business-will-boost-wages/9399324" target="_blank">explanation offered</a> by federal Treasurer Scott Morrison, whose so-called “economic plan” assumes present low wage growth will respond positively to higher company profits. According to Morrison, a company tax cut will lead to more investment and thus more jobs, so eventually the benefits will trickle down and increase wages.
Unfortunately, this logic is the reverse of reality. It ignores the evidence that slow wage growth across all the developed economies has been a problem over a couple of decades now.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232195/original/file-20180816-2924-1yqkxof.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232195/original/file-20180816-2924-1yqkxof.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
Slow wage growth is a continuing long-term problem in the developed economies.<a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/"> </a>
In fact, the evidence strongly suggests higher profits will not drive higher wages. The benefits of a company tax cut will largely be returned to shareholders, while the only wages that increase will be those of senior management.
Instead, higher investment will require increased consumer demand. And that in turn depends on stronger wage growth. In short, aggregate demand in a flat economy, like ours, is wages-led. Wages drive investment, not the other way around.
Broadly speaking, there are two serious schools of thought about what is causing weak wage growth and rising inequality.
One explanation puts most of the blame on a weakening of trade-union power.
The other explanation emphasises the impacts of technological change and, to a lesser extent, globalisation on the labour market. Together technology and globalisation are said to have changed job structures and demands for skills. They have reduced the share of middle-level jobs, which has directly increased income inequality, and they can depress the demand for labour more generally and thus wages in developed countries, but especially for less skilled labour.
These two explanations are not mutually exclusive – both may have played a role. However, I want to consider their relative significance as the basis for arguing which policy responses should be given priority.
Trade union power in Australia and its impact
A very distinguished professor of labour economics and former Industrial Relations Commission deputy president, Joe Isaac, <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1467-8462.12270" target="_blank">recently argued</a> persuasively that an important explanation of slow wage growth is “to be found in the change in the balance of power in favour of employers and against workers and unions”.
Isaac starts by noting that union membership in Australia has fallen from about 50% of all employees in the 1970s to the present 15%. This is one of the lowest rates in the OECD.
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Isaac also finds some correlation between income inequality (measured by the Gini coefficient) and trade union density for 11 OECD countries. More relevant, though, would be the change in inequality relative to the change in union membership, especially as Australia has always had a relatively high Gini coefficient.
Isaac argues that this loss of membership and the reduced authority of the Fair Work Commission has weakened the bargaining power of organised labour in Australia. Employers are now able “to determine no wage increase or an increase less than their profits would warrant, with less resistance from workers and unions”. Although Isaac admits that “this conclusion is based on the association over time of union power decline and slow wages growth”, he concludes that “it seems reasonable to claim, at least prima facie, a causal connection between them”.
I am more sceptical. While I wouldn’t rule out any impact on wages and employee conditions from a decline in trade union membership and the possibly associated changes in the power of the Fair Work Commission, I question Isaac’s analysis for the following reasons.
First, it is uncertain how much trade union power has declined as a result of loss of membership. Another test of trade union power is the proportion of wages determined by awards and collective agreements – as Isaac shows, this proportion has largely remained the same in Australia. Indeed, in some countries, such as France, trade union membership has always been very low, but they have a highly centralised system of wage determination, which allows the unions a lot of influence.
Second, other countries have also experienced increases in inequality – much greater than in Australia in most cases – but don’t seem to have experienced any notable loss of union power. For example, some of the biggest increases in inequality over the last 30 years, as measured by the Gini coefficient for final disposable income, have <a href="https://data.oecd.org/inequality/income-inequality.htm" target="_blank">occurred in countries like Sweden, Finland and Germany</a>, which are not associated with any loss of trade union power.
Third, Isaac’s analysis of wage inequality focuses entirely on a decline in the wage share of total <a href="https://www.investopedia.com/terms/f/factor-income.asp" target="_blank">factor income</a>. This ignores changes within the distribution of earnings. These latter changes are more important in many countries, and certainly for Australia.
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While the wage share in Australia has declined since the 1970s and early 1980s, this was at least partly a result of deliberate policy under the Hawke/Keating governments’ Accord with the trade unions, when it was accepted that the wage share had been too high. Even today the <a href="http://ace2017.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Declan-Trott-Full-Paper.pdf" target="_blank">wage share is still higher than in 1960</a>, when the economy was generally considered to be performing exceptionally well.
Fourth, the changes in the distribution of earnings largely reflect changes in the structure of occupations rather than changes in relative wage rates. But trade unions seek to influence wage rates, and it is difficult to see how they can exert much direct influence over the structure of jobs.
For these various reasons, I don’t think the loss, if any, of trade union power can explain much of the increase in inequality in most countries over the last 30 years. It is necessary to look elsewhere for the explanation, and the main driver seems to have been the impact of technological change.
Impacts of technology and globalisation
In <a href="https://www.mup.com.au/books/9780522872279-fair-share" target="_blank">Fair Share</a>, Stephen Bell and I examine the causes of increased inequality over the last 30 years in most of the advanced economies. A critical starting point is to distinguish between changes in the job structure and changes in relative wage rates. As we <a href="https://books.google.com.au/books?id=CwtNDwAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PT135&amp;dq=%22no+change+in+relative+wage+rates,+but+employment+increased+faster%22&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjo7u3o7evcAhUI7bwKHTz_AO4Q6AEIJzAA#v=onepage&amp;q=%22no%20change%20in%20relative%20wage%20rates%2C%20but%20employment%20increased%20faster%22&amp;f=false" target="_blank">note</a>:
Even if there were no change in relative wage rates, but employment increased faster for both high-paid and low-paid jobs, the earnings distribution would show up as more unequal. What would have happened is that the composition of the top and lowest deciles of earnings would have altered, which would increase the median income of the top decile and reduce the median income of the lowest decile, which would in turn be reported as an increase in the inequality of earnings.
The consensus in the studies we reviewed is that increased inequality of earnings largely reflects the impact of technological change. Globalisation and increased participation in global value chains may also have played a role, but less so in Australia, which we attribute to Australia having a more flexible labour market than, say, America.
We also surmise that <a href="https://theconversation.com/finance-drives-everything-including-your-insecurity-at-work-101107" target="_blank">increased financialisation</a> and the capture of rents generated by technological change may help explain the very large increase in remuneration for the top 1%.
Interestingly, the OECD specifically rejected the hypothesis that regulatory changes have helped drive any significant increase in inequality. It <a href="http://www.oecd.org/els/soc/dividedwestandwhyinequalitykeepsrising.htm" target="_blank">found</a> that “the net effect of regulatory reforms on trends in ‘overall earnings inequality’ remains indeterminant in most cases”.
The principal impact of technological change, and globalisation to a lesser extent, has been to reduce the share of middle-level jobs. In particular, new <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.oxfordmartin.ox.ac.uk/publications/view/1314" target="_blank">information</a> and <a href="http://ceda.com.au/Research-and-policy/All-CEDA-research/Research-catalogue/Australia-s-future-workforce" target="_blank">communications technology</a> has had its <a href="http://www.urbanvillageworld.com/resource_center/Offshoring%20Article%20-%20Foreign%20Affairs1.pdf" target="_blank">greatest impact</a> on <a href="http://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WEO/Issues/2017/04/04/world-economic-outlook-april-2017" target="_blank">relatively routine tasks</a> <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://ideas.repec.org/p/mlb/wpaper/1192" target="_blank">involving middle-level jobs</a>, such as clerical occupations and the operation of basic machinery.
Technological change has also driven the fall in the relative price of capital goods. This has led to some substitution of capital for labour. Again, this is “particularly pronounced in industries with a high predominance of routine tasks”, as the <a href="http://www.oecd.org/els/oecd-employment-outlook-19991266.htm" target="_blank">OECD notes</a>.
These changes in job structure and the relative decline in the middle-level jobs have been the most important cause of increasing inequality in many countries, including Australia. Technological progress has also led to an increase in the demand for skills. In some countries that has increased the premium paid for skilled labour, but the extent of this depends upon the policy response affecting the supply of skills.
In Australia’s case, Bell and I <a href="https://www.mup.com.au/books/9780522872279-fair-share">find</a> that the premium for skills, and consequently relative wage rates, did not change much because of the increase in education and training effort. Accordingly, much of the increase in earnings inequality in Australia reflects changes in the job structure rather than changes in relative wage rates (see also <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-8462.2003.00296.x" target="_blank">Keating</a> and <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://ideas.repec.org/p/mlb/wpaper/1192" target="_blank">Coelli &amp; Borland</a>).
<iframe style="border: none;" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ivRs4/1/" frameborder="0" width="100%" height="550"></iframe>
So what does this mean for policy?
Consistent with his view that a weakening of trade union power has driven the increase in inequality, Isaac <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1467-8462.12270">recommends</a> changing the Fair Work Act to rectify “the unbalanced industrial power in the labour market”. I can support most of Isaac’s recommended changes, and especially greater rights of union entry, which should help better police adherence to awards and wage agreements.
I also agree that Isaac’s recommended legislative changes are unlikely to result in unions abusing their increased power. This is because, as he puts it, “there are now prevailing forces, such as global competition and structural changes, which will continue to keep union power in check”.
However, these “prevailing forces” are what really caused most of the increase in inequality, as discussed above. I therefore doubt that these legislative changes will do much to reverse the increase in earnings inequality.
Instead, the best way to respond to the impact of technological change on the job structure and possible associated changes in wage premiums is to improve education and training. Enhanced education, training and labour market policies will help workers adjust to the challenges posed by new technologies and will also spur the adoption of those technologies.
In addition, if the supply of skills thereby increases in line with the increase in their demand, there should not need to be any change in relative wage rates. Although these types of reforms take time, in the end they can boost both aggregate demand and potential output, with benefits all round.
In short, as Thomas Piketty, in his <a href="http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674430006" target="_blank">major study on inequality</a>, <a href="https://books.google.com.au/books?id=T8zuAgAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA313&amp;dq=%22the+best+way+to+increase+wages+and+reduce+wage+inequalities%22&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiepIuH--vcAhVEVLwKHa5_D6EQ6AEIJzAA#v=onepage&amp;q=%22the%20best%20way%20to%20increase%20wages%20and%20reduce%20wage%20inequalities%22&amp;f=false" target="_blank">concluded</a>:
To sum up: the best way to increase wages and reduce wage inequalities in the long run is to invest in education and skills.
Michael Keating<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/michael-keating-528224"></a>, Visiting Fellow, College of Business &amp; Economics, Australian National University
This article was originally published on The Conversation. 
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j.ballantyne1990-6AQqhLzZaK

This is what policymakers can and can't do about low wage growth: Michael Keating

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EXPERT OBSERVER
Prospective home buyers beware, Australian real estate prices are likely to escalate further now the New Zealand government has moved to tighten up on foreign ownership.
Australia needs urgently, to follow New Zealand’s example and crack down on foreign ownership or even more Australians will miss out on the chance to own their own home.
The pressure on Australian property prices is likely to increase substantially with New Zealand tightening its foreign investment rules and overseas buyers forced to look elsewhere to invest.
The New Zealand Government has the courage to tackle the issue of housing affordability head on but what about Australia?
You don’t have to be a rocket scientist to work out where these foreign buyers will divert their attention and buying power now that the New Zealand Government has passed new legislation to address this growing problem.
New laws were just passed in New Zealand Parliament this week banning foreigners from buying most types of property after a foreign spending spree has seen prices pushed up and local buyers pushed out.
According to the latest figures from the Australian Tax Office's Agricultural Land Register 13.6 per cent of all Australian agricultural land is foreign owned with the UK and China the largest owners.
Sadly they don’t know how much non-agricultural land is in foreign hands.
It’s important to remember that China alone has more decamillionaires than Australia has tax payers.
The New Zealand Government has clearly recognised the very real threat foreign ownership poses to housing affordability with rates of homelessness in the country among the highest in the developed world.
In contrast, the Australian Government seems to keep fiddling around at the edges rather than addressing the problem head on.
Much of the current generation have already been priced out of the market due to the high number of foreign buyers outbidding Australian citizens in particular over the past decade and this will only get worse unless significant policy changes are implemented.
Australia’s relatively strong economy and consistent capital growth in its major cities over many decades is part of the attraction to foreign buyers and will continue to drive foreign ownership of prime Australian land, both regionally and in the cities, pushing prices even higher.
It is obvious that non-residents eager to buy Australian real estate will do so if you make it easy for them because they see Australia as a stable economy and a safe place to store their money
Patrick Bright is the EPS Property Search director and author of The Insider’s Guide to Buying Real Estate
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pbright-aNtgvRfvJN

Australia needs to follow New Zealand's lead and act now on foreign ownership: Patrick Bright

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GUEST OBSERVATION
Behavioural economics is a revolutionary field. Its champions may not have beheaded any royalty, but they have done the academic equivalent by overthrowing a paradigm that ruled our thinking and shaped our institutions.
Behavioural economists have shown that the hyper-rational, self-interested agents of standard economics are mythical creatures. Real-world people are irrational, struggle to exert control over their emotions and impulses, and are social animals with a fondness for fairness.
This paradigm shift radically changes how we think about behaviour, and it seems poised to change our institutions. But how much change will it bring?
Will the influence of behavioural economics on policy be limited to improving the wording of parking fines sent out to misbehaving motorists? Or can it also help us institute bold, sweeping reforms of the type that have helped make Australia equitable and prosperous?
The answer is: it depends.
The policy impact of behaviour economics will be limited – and may even be harmful – if public servants focus excessively on the behavioural revolution’s most famous offspring, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pDub6gG1yxw" target="_blank">the policymaking approach called “nudge”</a>.
On the bright side, the focus on nudge is artificial. It does not flow from the evidence. Some of the most important regulatory reforms in Australia’s history could have been justified using behavioural economics – and such opportunities for reform will emerge again in the future.
<h2>The birth of the nudge</h2>
The “nudge” policy approach took the United States and United Kingdom by storm in 2008, when Cass Sunstein and Richard Thaler released their groundbreaking work, <a href="https://yalepress.yale.edu/book.asp?isbn=9780300122237" target="_blank">Nudge</a>.
In the psychological weaknesses uncovered by behavioural economists, Sunstein and Thaler saw opportunity. They argued we can exploit cognitive biases to nudge, or gently guide, people into making choices that are better for them and for the rest of us too — while always leaving them free to choose otherwise.
Want people to sign up for organ donations? Then harness their tendency to procrastinate, by switching from a system where they must choose to opt-in to one where they must choose to opt-out.
Want people to use less electricity? Then exploit social norms by showing them how little their energy-efficient neighbours pay for electricity.
Want people to avoid payday loans? Then make the loans’ downsides salient, by directly comparing their enormous interest rates with other borrowing options.
<h2>Confusing nudges with behavioural economics</h2>
Nudges may have grown out of behavioural economics, but evidence from that very field suggests that they often fail to meet the hype. Nudges designed to discourage people from taking out ludicrously expensive payday loans, for example, tend to be toothless in practice.
In a new policy brief at the Melbourne Institute, <a href="https://www.melbourneinstitute.com/downloads/policy_briefs_series/pb2015n04.pdf" target="_blank">The Potential of Behavioural Economics: Beyond the Nudge</a> I examine what behavioural economics tells us about the promise of both nudges and tools beyond them.
There is, right under our noses, an unnoticed world of behavioural evidence showing that traditional policy tools — like taxes, transfers and mandates — are in many cases superior to nudges.
Rather than throwing out the baby with the bathwater, behavioural economics suggests we should take a fresh look at how we might use traditional policy tools to counter cognitive biases.
<h2>A nudge bias</h2>
Why has the behavioural evidence on traditional tools been so overlooked? The reasons are largely political.
Nudge was written for a US audience, in a political climate shaped by the anti-paternalistic sentiment that would later coalesce into the Tea Party.
It has become tough, in this context, to pursue rational and equitable reforms of the traditional variety. Government is seen less as the tool the people use to democratically shape the society they want, and more as a suspicious intruder interfering with the benevolent market.
Sunstein and Thaler promoted nudges specifically because they promised a “middle way”: they influenced choices without coercing choice.
This justification turns out to be fanciful. In practice, many non-coercive nudges are too weak to provide serious benefits, and making a nudge effective often means making it coercive.
Take the nudge “success” story of the Save More Tomorrow scheme, designed to counter the strong biases that affect retirement savings decisions. Its central innovation is the automatic escalation of the savings rate over time, so people sign up to save more in future years without losing a dime today.
Though certainly a clever nudge, in practice it <a href="https://www.sco.ca.gov/Files-EO/2013_sco_flac_benartzi_behavioural_econ_and_savings_crises.pdf" target="_blank">increased the national US savings rate by a paltry 0.33%</a>, which will barely make a dent in the enormous problem of old age poverty. Australia’s superannuation scheme leaves it in the dust, with more than twenty times the impact.
Making Save More Tomorrow effective would require increasing its coerciveness — making it compulsory for workplaces to make it the default for all employees, with a much higher default increase in the rate of savings, and a penalty for opting-out — so that it essentially becomes a mandate.
Even then, as I will touch on below, behavioural economics suggests the opt-out would make the scheme welfare-reducing compared to superannuation.
Another example is the host of nudges applied to cigarettes. We plaster packages with gore and health warnings, and we exile smokers to the cold streets where they puff away under scowls and social stigma.
People can still choose to smoke, but this regime of tough nudges is hardly non-coercive. In fact, it is effective precisely because it imposes high costs on smokers.
The point is that nudges are much like traditional tools after all: they are subject to the same trade-offs between agency and welfare.
<h2>Behavioural economics for traditional tools</h2>
Sunstein and Thaler hoped to make peace between the United States’ warring tribes of progressives and libertarians, and this is precisely how we should understand nudges: they are a political innovation, only sometimes justified by the evidence.
What does the evidence say in full? Behavioural economics has comprehensively falsified rational choice economics. We make serious mistakes, and companies know it.
It would be paradoxical if, after rational choice has been so comprehensively discredited, policymakers responded by relying more on choice-preserving tools like nudges.
Consider the policies that make Australia prosperous and equitable, like publicly-funded universities, superannuation, and financial product regulation. Perversely, the nudge philosophy would reject these as too interventionist.
A more complete behavioural economics only strengthens the case for such policy. Take retirement savings: behavioural economics tells us that people tend to be present-biased, and they succumb to the temptation to withdraw early. One solution is to penalise early withdrawals.
The US Internal Revenue Service, for example, imposes a 10% penalty on early withdrawals — but even so, for every US$1 invested, US$0.40 is withdrawn early, at great cost.
How big should the penalty be? A behavioural savings model including the effects of present bias suggests that a <a href="https://eml.berkeley.edu/~webfac/seminars/Optimal_Illiquidity_2014.pdf" target="_blank">100% penalty would maximise welfare</a>, because it would stop all early withdrawals even for the most present-biased individuals.
In other words, Australia’s superannuation mandate is optimal. Savings should be made fully illiquid, with no opt-out. The mandate imposes small costs on the few who would have withdrawn rationally, but these costs are dwarfed by the vast welfare gains overall.
Cash transfers too can be reevaluated under the behavioural lens. Research explored in Mullainathan &amp; Shafir’s <a href="https://us.macmillan.com/scarcity/sendhilmullainathan">Scarcity</a> (2013) demonstrates that poverty causes IQ to plummet, because dealing with the everyday challenge of being poor takes up so much cognitive bandwidth.
The corollary is that when impoverished Indian farmers receive a cash infusion, they experience a massive boost in IQ.
The behavioural evidence suggests that poverty may be cyclic partly because it is so tough to make good decisions while in poverty. Cash transfers free cognitive resources to focus on longer-term problems like learning, finding work, and planning for the future.
<h2>A way forward</h2>
How should policymakers proceed? They should remain agnostic when choosing between nudges and more traditional policy tools.
The right tool will raise welfare as much as possible, without stopping people from making cherished decisions about their lives. The litmus test will be democratic: do people accept the policy or not?
Superannuation, notably, passes the test with flying colours — it curtails choice, but it creates such large benefits that it enjoys enormous levels of support (<a href="https://www.aist.asn.au/media/128974/2012.03.19%20essential%20media%20poll.pdf" target="_blank">only 7% of people polled were against</a> the increase in super from 9% to 12% of income).
It does not curtail a cherished choice, like what job we can take, where we can live, what we can learn, or who we can associate with. It helps most of us do what we already want to do, but struggle to do.
Nudges will play a valuable, complementary role to traditional tools. The science, however, reasserts that there is no easy middle road.
We must continue to democratically debate big ideas about the kind of society we want to build — and we should always build it upon the firm ground of evidence.
Reuben Finighan is senior research officer at The Melbourne Institute, Fellow of the ARC Life Course Centre of Excellence at University of Melbourne and author on The Conversation. He can be contacted <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/reuben-finighan-157147" target="_blank">here</a>.
 
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